2023年考研英语(2023年考研英语一真题及答案)

2023年考研英语(2023年考研英语一真题及答案)

2009年考研英语，2009年考研英语一真题及答案2009年全国硕士研究生招生考试

英语（一）试题

Section Ⅰ Use of English

Directions:

Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)

Research on animal intelligence always makes me wonder just how smart humans are. 1 the fruit-fly experiments described by Carl Zimmer’s piece in the Science Times. Fruit flies who were taught to be smarter than the average fruit fly 2 to live shorter lives. This suggests that 3 bulbs burn longer, that there is an 4 in not being too bright.

Intelligence, it 5 , is a high-priced option. It takes more upkeep, burns more fuel and is slow 6 the starting line because it depends on learning—a(n) 7 process— instead of instinct. Plenty of other species are able to learn, and one of the things they’ve apparently learned is when to 8 .

Is there an adaptive value to 9 intelligence? That’s the question behind this new research. Instead of casting a wistful glance 10 at all the species we’ve left in the dust I.Q.-wise, it implicitly asks what the real 11 of our own intelligence might be. This is 12 the mind of every animal we’ve ever met.

Research on animal intelligence also makes us wonder what experiments animals would 13 on humans if they had the chance. Every cat with an owner, 14 , is running a small-scale study in operant conditioning. We believe that 15 animals ran the labs, they would test us to 16 the limits of our patience, our faithfulness, our memory for locations. They would try to decide what intelligence in humans is really 17 , not merely how much of it there is. 18 , they would hope to study a(n) 19 question: Are humans actually aware of the world they live in? 20 the results are inconclusive.

1. [A] Suppose [B] Consider [C] Observe [D] Imagine

2. [A] tended [B] feared [C] happened [D] threatened

3. [A] thinner [B] stabler [C] lighter [D] dimmer

4. [A] tendency [B] advantage [C] inclination [D] priority

5. [A] insists on [B] sums up [C] turns out [D] puts forward

6. [A] off [B] behind [C] over [D] along

7. [A] incredible [B] spontaneous [C] inevitable [D] gradual

8. [A] fight [B] doubt [C] stop [D] think

9. [A] invisible [B] limited [C] indefinite [D] different

10. [A] upward [B] forward [C] afterward [D] backward

11. [A] features [B] influences [C] results [D] costs

12. [A] outside [B] on [C] by [D] across

13. [A] deliver [B] carry [C] perform [D] apply

14. [A] by chance [B] in contrast [C] as usual [D] for instance

15. [A] if [B] unless [C] as [D] lest

16. [A] moderate [B] overcome [C] determine [D] reach

17. [A] at [B] for [C] after [D] with

18. [A] Above all [B] After all [C] However [D] Otherwise

19. [A] fundamental [B] comprehensive [C] equivalent [D] hostile

20. [A] By accident [B] In time [C] So far [D] Better still

【译文】

The Cost of Smarts（编者加）

聪明的代价

有关动物智力的研究总让我们好奇人类到底有多聪明。想想卡尔·齐默在《科学时代》上发表的有关果蝇试验描述的文章。一些果蝇被训练得比普通果蝇更聪明，其寿命却往往较短。这表明“暗淡的灯泡”更耐用，也表明“不太明亮”是一种优势。

实验证明，智力是代价极高的选择。它需要更多的保养，消耗更多的能量，并且因为获取智力依靠学习——这个循序渐进的过程——而不是本能，所以起步很慢。许多其他物种也有学习能力，而且显然它们学会的东西之一就是何时停止学习。

有限的智力是否具有适应价值？这正是进行此项新研究的原因。研究的目的不是要惆怅地回顾那些我们人类在智力上已远远超过的物种，而是含蓄地问我们拥有智力的真正代价可能会是什么。这一疑问一直萦绕在我们遇到的每种动物的心头。

有关动物智力的研究也让我们好奇，如果有机会，动物会对人类做什么样的实验。比如说，每只有主人的猫都在进行操作条件反射方面的小规模研究。我们认为假如动物也能掌管实验室的话，它们会测定我们的耐心、忠诚和方位记忆方面的极限。他们会尝试去判定人类智力的实际用途，而不仅仅判定其高低。最重要的是，他们希望研究一个根本的问题：人类是否真正意识到了自己所生存的世界？对此，目前仍无定论。

Section Ⅱ Reading ComprehensionPart A

Directions:

Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points)

Text 1

Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on auto-pilot and relaxing into the unconscious comfort of familiar routine. “Not choice, but habit rules the unreflecting herd, ” William Wordsworth said in the 19th century. In the ever-changing 21st century, even the word “habit” carries a negative implication.

So it seems paradoxical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation. But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks.

Rather than dismissing ourselves as unchangeable creatures of habit, we can instead direct our own change by consciously developing new habits. In fact, the more new things we try—the more we step outside our comfort zone—the more inherently creative we become, both in the workplace and our personal lives.

But don’t bother trying to kill off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the brain, they’re there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately press into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.

“The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder, ” says Dawna Markova, author of The Open Mind. “But we are taught instead to ‘decide’, just as our president calls himself ‘the Decider’.” She adds, however, that “to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one. A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.”

All of us work through problems in ways of which we’re unaware, she says. Researchers in the late 1960 discovered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally （or collaboratively） and innovatively. At the end of adolescence, however, the brain shuts down half of that capacity, preserving only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so of life.

The current emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought. “This breaks the major rule in the American belief system—that anyone can do anything, ” explains M. J. Ryan, author of the 2006 book This Year I Will … and Ms. Markova’s business partner. “That’s a lie that we have perpetuated, and it fosters commonness. Knowing what you’re good at and doing even more of it creates excellence.” This is where developing new habits comes in.

21. In Wordsworth’s view, “habits” is characterized by being

[A] casual. [B] familiar.

[C] mechanical. [D] changeable.

22. Brain researchers have discovered that the formation of new habits can be

[A] predicted. [B] regulated.

[C] traced. [D] guided.

23. The word “ruts”（Para .4） has closest meaning to

[A] tracks. [B] series.

[C] characteristics. [D] connections.

24. Dawna Markova most probably agree that

[A] ideas are born of a relaxing mind.

[B] innovativeness could be taught.

[C] decisiveness derives from fantastic ideas.

[D] curiosity activates creative minds.

25. Ryan’s comments suggest that the practice of standard testing

[A] prevents new habits form being formed.

[B] no longer emphasizes commonness.

[C] maintains the inherent American thinking model.

[D] complies with the American belief system.

【译文】

Can You Become a Creature of New Habits（编者加）

你能成为新习惯生物吗？

习惯是个有趣的现象。我们机械地按习惯行事：将大脑设定为自动导航，放松地进入由常规惯例带来的无意识的舒适状态。威廉·华兹华斯在19世纪曾说过：“不是选择，而是习惯支配着那些不善于思考的人们。”在不断变化的21世纪，甚至“习惯”一词都带有贬义色彩。

因此，将习惯同创造性和创新在同一语境下讨论似乎是矛盾的。但脑研究人员发现，当我们有意识地培养新习惯时，我们会在大脑中同时生成相应路线，甚至生成全新的脑细胞，这能使我们的思路转入新的创新轨道。

与其将自己视为一成不变的习惯性生物，相反我们可以通过有意识地培养新习惯来主动做出改变。事实上，我们尝试的新事物越多——即我们越是走出自己的舒适区——就具有更大的内在创造力，无论在职场上还是在个人生活中都是如此。

但是，不必费力去抹去旧有的习惯。一旦习惯流程在大脑中磨出深深的“辙痕”，将永久存在。而我们刻意培养的新习惯会在大脑中生成相应的路线，它们将绕开那些旧路线。

《开放的思维》一书的作者道娜·马尔科娃说：“创新的首要条件就是充满好奇。但我们却被教导要‘做决定’，正如我们的总统表示自己是‘决策者’一样。”然而她又补充道：“做决定是保留一种可能性而扼杀其他全部。而一个出色的创新型思想者却总在探寻其他的更多可能性。”

她说，我们都不会注意自己解决问题的方法。20世纪60年代晚期的研究者们发现，人与生俱来的应对挑战的方法主要有四种：分析、流程、关联（即协作）以及创新。而到青春期结束时，大脑关闭了其中一半的功能，只保留了在人类生命最初的十几年里似乎最有价值的思维方式。

目前对标准化测试的注重就是鼓励分析和流程法，这意味着我们很少有人会本能地使用创新和协作的思维方式。2006年出版的《今年我打算……》一书的作者以及马尔科娃女士的商业伙伴端安说：“这违背了美国人的信仰体系中‘人无所不能’的重要准则。标准化测试教导我们了解自己擅长做什么并多做一些以成就卓越，那是我们长久以来制造的一个谎言，它造就了平庸。”而这正是需要培养新习惯（以达到突破创新）的意义了。

Text 2

It is a wise father that knows his own child, but today a man can boost his paternal (fatherly) wisdom—or at least confirm that he’s the kid’s dad. All he needs to do is shell out $ 30 for a paternity testing kit (PTK) at his local drugstore—and another $120 to get the results.

More than 60, 000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first become available without prescriptions last years, according to Doug Fogg, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the over-the-counter kits. More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests Directly to the public, ranging in price from a few hundred dollars to more than $ 2, 500.

Among the most popular: paternity and kinship testing, which adopted children can use to find their biological relatives and families can use to track down kids put up for adoption. DNA testing is also the latest rage among passionate genealogists—and supports businesses that offer to search for a family’s geographic roots.

Most tests require collecting cells by swabbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing. All tests require a potential candidate with whom to compare DNA.

But some observers are skeptical. “There is a kind of false precision being hawked by people claiming they are doing ancestry testing, ” says Troy Duster, a New York University sociologist. He notes that each individual has many ancestors—numbering in the hundreds just a few centuries back. Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either the Y chromosome inherited through men in a father’s line or mitochondrial DNA, which is passed down only from mothers. This DNA can reveal genetic information about only one or two ancestors, even though, for example, just three generations back people also have six other great-grandparents or, four generations back, 14 other great-great-grandparents.

Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference collections to which a sample is compared. Databases used by some companies don’t rely on data collected systematically but rather lump together information from different research projects. This means that a DNA database may have a lot of data from some regions and not others, so a person’s test results may differ depending on the company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review or outside evaluation.

26. In paragraphs 1 and 2 , the text shows PTK’s

[A] easy availability. [B] flexibility in pricing.

[C] successful promotion. [D] popularity with households.

27. PTK is used to

[A] locate one’s birth place. [B] promote genetic research.

[C] identify parent-child kinship. [D] choose children for adoption.

28. Skeptical observers believe that ancestry testing fails to

[A] trace distant ancestors.

[B] rebuild reliable bloodlines.

[C] fully use genetic information.

[D] achieve the claimed accuracy.

29. In the last paragraph, a problem commercial genetic testing faces is

[A] disorganized data collection.

[B] overlapping database building.

[C] excessive sample comparison.

[D] lack of patent evaluation.

30. An appropriate title for the text is most likely to be

[A] Fors and Againsts of DNA Testing

[B] DNA Testing and Its Problems

[C] DNA Testing Outside the Lab

[D] Lies Behind DNA Testing

【译文】

Who’s Your Daddy? The Answer May Be at the Drugstore（编者加）

谁是你的父亲？在药店可能找到答案

再聪明的父亲也不见得了解自己的孩子，但如今的男人可以提高其为人父的智慧了——或者至少能够确定自己是孩子的亲生父亲。他所要做的仅仅是花30美元在住处附近的药店购买亲子鉴定工具包（PTK），再花上120元即可得到结果。

一家名为“基因检测”的公司生产这种供柜台销售的（非处方的）工具包。该公司的首席营运长道格•福格说，自从去年PTK不需医师处方即可购买以来，购买者已逾六万人。直接向公众出售基因检测服务的公司超过24家，价格从几百元到2,500多元不等。

基因检测中最受欢迎的是亲子、亲族鉴定，被领养的孩子可以用它寻找有血缘关系的亲属，而家庭可以用它来追查被领养孩子的下落。基因检测最近在谱系学家中也流行了起来，同时它也可辅助公司寻找家族地域根源。

大多数检测都需要用棉签蘸取唾液的方式收集细胞并将唾液送到公司进行检测。所有的检测都需要一个做DNA比对的潜在人选。

但一些观察家持怀疑态度。纽约大学的社会学家特洛伊·达斯特说，“声称自己在做家谱检测的人们所吹嘘的精确性是虚假的。”他指出，每个人都有多个祖先，仅上溯几百年，祖先的数目可达数百位之多。然而大部分的家谱检测只考虑单一的谱系——同一父亲的男性遗传的Y染色体，或者仅通过母亲传递（给子女）的线粒体DNA。这种DNA只能揭示一两位祖先的基因信息，而仅上溯三代，每个人还有（检测之外的）六位曾祖，上溯四代，还有十四位高祖（的信息被遗漏）。

批评者还指出，商业基因检测的准确率取决于用于样本比对的参考数据库。很多公司采用的数据库不是基于系统收集的数据，而是基于不同研究项目信息的混杂。这意味着某个DNA数据库有来自某些地区的大量数据，但缺乏其他地区的数据。因此，同一个人的检测结果会因为处理研究结果的公司不同而存在差异。另外，公司用于判定血亲关系的计算机程序可能申请了专利保护，不易接受同行评审或外界评估。

Text 3

The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike. Progress in both areas is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong. We are fortunate that it is, because building new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve economic performance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radically higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.

Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with the country entering a recession and Japan at its pre-bubble peak, the U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one of the primary causes of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotive-assembly productivity. Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of Honda, Nissan, and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese counterparts—a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.

More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English-speaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry’s work.

What is the real relationship between education and economic development? We have to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments don’t force it. After all, that’s how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10, 000 years ago, they didn’t have time to wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.

As education improved, humanity’s productivity potential increase as well. When the competitive environment pushed our ancestors to achieve that potential, they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might not be able to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. A lack of formal education, however, doesn’t constrain the ability of the developing world’s workforce to substantially improve productivity for the foreseeable future. On the contrary, constraints on improving productivity explain why education isn’t developing more quickly there than it is.

31. The author holds in paragraph 1 that the important of education in poor countries

[A] is subject to groundless doubts.

[B] has fallen victim of bias.

[C] is conventionally downgraded.

[D] has been overestimated.

32. It is stated in paragraph 1 that the construction of a new education system

[A] challenges economists and politicians.

[B] takes efforts of generations.

[C] demands priority from the government.

[D] requires sufficient labor force.

33. A major difference between the Japanese and U.S. workforces is that

[A] the Japanese workforce is better disciplined.

[B] the Japanese workforce is more productive.

[C] the U.S. workforce has a better education.

[D] the U.S. workforce is more organized.

34. The author quotes the example of our ancestors to show that education emerged

[A] when people had enough time.

[B] prior to better ways of finding food.

[C] when people no longer went hungry.

[D] as a result of pressure on government.

35. According to the last paragraph, development of education

[A] results directly from competitive environments.

[B] does not depend on economic performance.

[C] follows improved productivity.

[D] cannot afford political changes.

【译文】

Educating Global Workers（编者加）

教育全球工人

经济学家和政治学家都误解了贫困国家正规教育与经济增长之间的关系。毫无疑问，在这两个领域取得的进步对于这些贫困国家以及其他国家的社会、政治、智力发展都是必不可少的。传统观点认为教育应成为促进贫困国家经济快速发展首要考虑的因素之一，然而这种观点是错误的。我们很庆幸这种观点错了，因为在这些国家建立新的教育体制并通过这种体制培养足够的人才来提高经济效益需要两三代人去完成。一家研究机构的研究结果一直表明，所有国家的工人都可以通过在岗培训从根本上提高生产率，进而从根本上提高生活水平。

具有讽刺意味的是，这一观点最先在美国得到证实。不久前，当美国经济进入衰退期，而日本处于泡沫破裂前的经济高峰期时，美国的劳工被嘲笑受教育水平低，并被看做造成美国经济效益低的主要原因之一。日本从过去到现在一直在汽车装配生产方面保持全球领先地位。然而，研究表明丰田、尼桑、本田（三家日本汽车商）的美国工厂达到了日本本土工厂生产率的约95%，这要归功于对美国工人进行的在岗培训。

更近些时候，研究者在调查房屋建筑业时发现，尽管建筑业的工作很复杂，但是在得克萨斯州休斯敦市的那些没受过教育而且不会说英语的墨西哥工人却总能达到劳动生产率的最高标准。

那么教育和经济发展之间究竟是怎样的关系呢？我们不得不猜想，即使政府不强制推行教育，经济的持续增长也会促进教育的发展。毕竟，教育最初就是这样产生的。一万年前，当我们的祖先还在以打猎、采集为生时，他们根本没有时间去思考寻找食物以外的其他事情。只有当人类开始以更有效率的方式获取食物后，才会有时间去考虑其他的事情。

随着教育的进步，人类的生产率的潜能也得到了提高。当竞争环境促使我们的祖先去实现这种潜能时，他们反过来又能得到更多的教育。经济效益的提高需要相应的复杂的政治体制，而这种日益提高的教育水平是建立政治体制的必要而非充分条件。因此，没有政治变革，贫困国家可能无法摆脱贫穷的困境，而政治变革只能通过较广泛的正规教育来实现。但是，正规教育的缺乏并不会限制发展中国家的劳动力能在可预见的未来大幅提高生产率。相反，生产率提高受到了限制则解释了为什么这些国家的教育没有发展得更快。

Text 4

The most thoroughly studied intellectuals in the history of the New World are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was “So much importance attached to intellectual pursuits”. According to many books and articles, New England’s leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.

To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans’ theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church—important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture, adjusting to New World circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.

The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts churches in the decade after 1629, there were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. These men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.

We should not forget, however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few craftsmen or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, it is obvious that their views were less fully intellectualized. Their thinking often had a traditional superstitious quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. Sexual confusion, economic frustrations, and religious hope—all came together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: “come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people.” One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churches.

Meanwhile , many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane’s, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . “Our main end was to catch fish”.

36. The author holds that in the seventeenth-century New England

[A] Puritan tradition dominated political life.

[B] intellectual interests were encouraged.

[C] Politics benefited much from intellectual endeavors.

[D] intellectual pursuits enjoyed a liberal environment.

37. It is suggested in paragraph 2 that New Englanders

[A] experienced a comparatively peaceful early history.

[B] brought with them the culture of the Old World.

[C] paid little attention to southern intellectual life.

[D] were obsessed with religious innovations.

38. The early ministers and political leaders in Massachusetts Bay

[A] were famous in the New World for their writings.

[B] gained increasing importance in religious affairs.

[C] abandoned high positions before coming to the New World.

[D] created a new intellectual atmosphere in New England.

39. The story of John Dane shows that less well-educated New Englanders were often

[A] influenced by superstitions.

[B] troubled with religious beliefs.

[C] puzzled by church sermons.

[D] frustrated with family earnings.

40. The text suggests that early settlers in New England

[A] were mostly engaged in political activities.

[B] were motivated by an illusory prospect.

[C] came from different backgrounds.

[D] left few formal records for later reference.

【译文】

The Early Civilization in New England（编者加）

新英格兰地区的早期文明

在北美新大陆的历史中，被研究得最彻底的知识分子是17世纪新英格兰地区的牧师和政治领袖。根据美国权威哲学史记载，在殖民时代的美国，任何其他地区都不及新英格兰“如此注重知识的追求”。根据大量书籍和文献记载，新英格兰的领袖确立了美国精神生活中逐渐发展并占据统治地位的清教传统的基本主题和关注要点。

以这种方法看待新英格兰人通常意味着要从这些清教徒的神学变革以及他们对教会的独特观念入手——这些是不容忽略的主题。但是为了与我们对美国南部地区文化生活的考察相一致，我们可以将这些最初的清教徒移民视为欧洲文化的承载者，他们在适应新大陆的环境。新英格兰殖民地成为追求广泛认可的礼仪和技艺等重要事件的发生地。

马萨诸塞湾的早期移民包括在英国受过良好教育以及具有一定影响力的人。除了1629年之后十年内来到马萨诸塞教会的约90位博学的牧师之外，还有像约翰·温斯罗普——一位受到良好教育的绅士、律师，远航到波士顿之前曾担任王室官员——这样的政治领袖。这些人广泛著书并出版，同时被新大陆和旧大陆的读者们所熟悉，为新英格兰营造了一种求知的氛围。

然而，我们不应忘记，大多数新英格兰人并未受过良好的教育。虽然极少数手工艺者、农民——侍从和仆人就更少了——留下了可供分析的文学作品，但显然他们的观点不那么学术化。他们的思想常常带有传统的宗教迷信色彩。一位名叫约翰·丹奈的裁缝，于17世纪30年代后期移居新大陆，他所留下的关于离开英国原因的叙述里充满了各种征兆。性困惑、经济挫折和宗教理想在一个决定性的时刻同时到来，这时他打开《圣经》，告诉父亲他读到的第一行字将决定他的命运，接着读到了以下神奇的字眼：“从他们中走出来吧，别碰不干净的东西。我将是你的上帝，你将是我的移民。”我们不禁想知道丹奈对清教教堂里那些精心诠释的布道文又会是什么态度呢？

此外，很多移民并没有丹奈这么虔诚的宗教信仰。正如一名牧师在与沿海地区渔民相遇时所了解到的：他们嘲弄地说来新大陆不是为了宗教，“我们主要的目的是来捕鱼”。

Part B

Directions:

In the following text, some segments have been removed. For Questions 41-45, choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blanks. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the blanks. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)

Coinciding with the groundbreaking theory of biological evolution proposed by British naturalist Charles Darwin in the 1860s, British social philosopher Herbert Spencer put forward his own theory of biological and cultural evolution. Spencer argued that all worldly phenomena, including human societies, changed over time, advancing toward perfection. (41)

American social scientist Lewis Henry Morgan introduced another theory of cultural evolution in the late 1800s. Morgan helped found modern anthropology—the scientific study of human societies, customs and beliefs—thus becoming one of the earliest anthropologists. In his work, he attempted to show how all aspects of culture changed together in the evolution of societies.

(42)

In the early 1900s in North America, German-born American anthropologist Franz Boas developed a new theory of culture known as Historical particularism, which emphasized the uniqueness of all cultures, gave new direction to anthropology. (43)

Boas felt that the culture of any society must be understood as the result of a unique history and not as one of many cultures belonging to a broader evolutionary stage or type of culture.

(44)

Historical particularism became a dominant approach to the study of culture in American anthropology, largely through the influence of many students of Boas. But a number of anthropologists in the early 1900s also rejected the particularist theory of culture in favor of diffusionism. Some attributed virtually every important cultural achievement to the inventions of a few, especially gifted peoples that, according to diffusionists, then spread to other cultures.

(45)

Also in the early 1900s, French sociologist-mile Durkheim developed a theory of culture that would greatly influence anthropology. Durkheim proposed that religious beliefs functioned to reinforce social solidarity. An interest in the relationship between the function of society and culture became a major theme in European, and especially British, anthropology.

[A] Other anthropologists believed that cultural innovations, such as inventions, had a single origin and passed from society to society. This theory was known as diffusionism.

[B] In order to study particular cultures as completely as possible, he became skilled in linguistics, the study of languages, and in physical anthropology, the study of human biology and anatomy.

[C] He argued that human evolution was characterized by a struggle he called the “survival of the fittest, ” in which weaker races and societies must eventually be replaced by stronger, more advanced races and societies.

[D] They also focused on important rituals that appeared to preserve a people’s social structure, such as initiation ceremonies that formally signify children’s entrance into adulthood.

[E] Thus, in his view, diverse aspects of culture, such as the structure of families, forms of marriage, categories of kinship, ownership of property, forms of government, technology, and systems of food production, all changed as societies evolved.

[F] Supporters of the theory viewed culture as a collection of integrated parts that work together to keep a society functioning.

[G] For example, British anthropologists Grafton Elliot Smith and W. J. Perry incorrectly suggested, on the basis of inadequate information, that farming, pottery making, and metallurgy all originated in ancient Egypt and diffused throughout the world. In fact, all of these cultural developments occurred separately at different times in many parts of the world.

【译文】

Sociology and Social Reform（编者加）

社会学和社会改革

19世纪60年代，在英国博物学家查尔斯·达尔文提出开创性的生物进化论的同时，英国社会哲学家赫伯特·斯宾塞也提出了自己关于生物和文化进化的理论。斯宾塞认为，包括人类社会在内的世间所有现象，都随着时间而改变，日趋完善。[C]他认为人类进化具有他称之为“适者生存”斗争的特点。在这场斗争中，弱小的种族和社会最终将会被更强大、更先进的种族和社会取代。

19世纪末，美国社会科学家刘易斯·亨利·摩尔根提出了另一种文化进化理论。摩尔根在创立了现代人类学——即对人类社会、习俗和信仰的科学研究——方面多有帮助，他因此成为最早的人类学家之一。他在著作中试图展示在社会的进化过程中，文化的各个方面是如何同时发生变化的。[E]因此，在他看来，文化的不同方面，诸如家庭结构、婚姻形式、亲属分类、财产所有权、政府形式、技术、食品生产体系等，都随着社会的进化而变化。

在20世纪初期的北美，德裔美国人类学家弗朗兹·博厄斯提出了一种新的文化理论，即历史特殊论。历史特殊论强调所有文化的独特性，为人类学的发展指出了新的方向。[A]其他的人类学家认为诸如发明这样的文化创新具有单一的起源，在社会之间传播。这个理论被称为文化传播论。

博厄斯认为，任何社会的文化都必须被当成某一独特历史的产物来理解，而不能是同属于某一更广义的进化阶段或者文化类型的许多文化中的一种。[B]为了尽可能全面地研究独特的文化现象，博厄斯熟练掌握了语言学——即对语言的研究——和体质人类学——即对人体生物学和解剖学的研究。

历史特殊论成为美国文化人类学研究的主导理论，这主要是由于博厄斯众多学生的影响。但是20世纪初的许多人类学家反对文化特殊论，而选择文化传播论。有些人类学家几乎将所有的重要的文化成就都归为少数，尤其是极有天赋的民族的创造。根据传播论者的看法，这些发明后来传播到其他的文化中。[G]比如在研究材料不充分的情况下，英国人类学家拉夫顿·艾略特和W·J·斐瑞错误地指出，农耕、制陶、冶金都源于古埃及，然后传播至全世界。事实上，所有的这些文化发展分别在不同时期出现在了世界各地。

同样在20世纪初，法国社会学家埃米尔·涂尔干提出了一种文化理论，对人类学产生了极大的影响。涂尔干提出，宗教信仰具有加强社会团结的功能。对社会功能与文化之间的关联的兴趣，成为了欧洲尤其是英国人类学研究的一个重要的主题。

Part C

Directions:

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. Your translation should be written clearly on ANSWER SHEET 2. (10 points)

There is a marked difference between the education which everyone gets from living with others and the deliberate educating of the young. In the former case the education is incidental; it is natural and important, but it is not the express reason of the association. (46) It may be said that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive. Religious associations began, for example, in the desire to secure the favor of overruling powers and to ward off evil influences; family life in the desire to gratify appetites and secure family perpetuity; systematic labor, for the most part, because of enslavement to others, etc. (47) Only gradually was the by-product of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution. Even today, in our industrial life, apart from certain values of industriousness and thrift, the intellectual and emotional reaction of the forms of human association under which the world’s work is carried on receives little attention as compared with physical output.

But in dealing with the young, the fact of association itself as an immediate human fact, gains in importance. (48) While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults. The need of training is too evident and the pressure to accomplish a change in their attitude and habits is too urgent to leave these consequences wholly out of account. (49) Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability. If humanity has made some headway in realizing that the ultimate value of every institution is its distinctively human effect we may well believe that this lesson has been learned largely through dealings with the young.

(50) We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling. In undeveloped social groups, we find very little formal teaching and training. These groups mainly rely for instilling needed dispositions into the young upon the same sort of association which keeps adults loyal to their group.

【译文】

The Place of Formal Education（编者加）

正规教育的地位

与他人相处得到的教育和年轻人刻意接受的教育之间，存在着显著的区别。在前一种情况下，教育是附带产生的，尽管极其自然而且重要，但却不是人际交往的原始目的。（46）虽然我们可以说，衡量任何社会机构的价值的标准在于其对于丰富和完善人生经验所产生的影响，但这种影响并不是我们最初动机的一部分。比如，宗教团体的产生是为了获得神灵庇佑、祛除邪恶的影响，而家庭生活是为了满足欲望并维系家庭的延续。系统的劳作大多是为奴役他人，等等。（47）机构所带的副产品只是逐渐被人们注意到，而人们将其视为机构运作的指导性因素，这一过程则更加缓慢。即便是现在，在我们的工业化生活中，除了勤奋和节约等某些价值观之外，整个世界运行所依赖的各种人际交往形式中存在的智力和情感反应，相较于物质产出，仍然没有引起人们的关注。

但是在与年轻人交际时，交往本身作为人际活动中的一种直接事实，却得到了重视。（48）虽然在与年轻人交往时，我们容易忽视自己的行为对他们性格产生的影响，但是在与成年人打交道时，这就不容易发生了。很明显，培训非常有必要，迫使他们的态度和习惯有所改变的要求如此急切，以至于我们不能完全对这些后果不予考虑。（49）既然我们与他们（年轻人）的交际首要目的是使他们能够共同生活，因此我们不禁要考虑自己是否在形成获得这种能力的力量。每个机构的最终价值在于其对人的独特影响，如果人类在这一认识上取得了进展，那么我们完全可以相信这一启发很大程度上是在与年轻人的交往中学会的。

（50）所以，这使我们从一直考虑的广义的教育过程中区分出一种更正规的教育，即直接讲授或学校教育。在不够发达的社会群体中，我们基本发现不了正规的教育和培训。这些群体主要在人际交往中向年轻人灌输必要的性情，以此保持成年人对群体的忠诚。

Section Ⅲ WritingPart A

51. Directions:

Restrictions on the use of plastic bags have not been so successful in some regions. “White pollution” is still going on. Write a letter to the editor(s) of your local newspaper to give your opinions briefly and make two or three suggestions.

You should write about 100 words on ANSWER SHEET 2.

Do not sign your own name at the end of the letter. Use “Li Ming” instead.

Do not write the address. (10 points)

Part B

52. Directions:

Write an essay of 160-200 words based on the following drawing. In your essay, you should

1) describe the drawing briefly,

2) explain its intended meaning, and then

3) give your comments.

You should write neatly on ANSHWER SHEET 2. (20 points)

2009年考研英语(2009年考研英语一真题及答案)

2023年考研英语(2023年考研英语一真题及答案)